To put it succinctly, Brooks seems to be basically repeating Hayek's argument in the "Road to Serfdom" about centralized planning vs. market decision making. This is accurate as far as it goes.
There are two general problems I have with this thinking generally, which can be extended to health care. The first problem is that Hayek's argument is essentially ahistorical. In my opinion, the idea that the government just needs to get out of the way is starting the story of market formation in the penultimate chapter. There's quite a bit of research on early markets, these show that marketization is a highly complex, negotiated process (for an example I recently read, Perdue's China Marches West
The second issue is that for economic reasoning to work, economic assumptions of human behavior have to hold. This is a major problem with health care. Home economus is a pretty good description of human behavior as it applies to economic transactions. It is not a good description of how humans form personal relationships, how we act when scared, our desires for personal security, or how identity is formed. This is normally widely accepted, aside from some people with too much specialized education, most people realize that human relationships and political concerns are only partially connected to our economic actions and interests. We have multiple identities that only have partial interaction with each other.
Health care being a big exception to this (other areas, such as land ownership, do display this to some degree, this is related to what I mentioned above about market formation, markets in goods that functioned similarly to modern markets significantly predated free markets in land for this very reason, and since health care displays even more of these properties if a free market in health care is the ultimate teleological development then we should expect that it will be an even longer, more drawn out process than markets in land and labor were and to display an even greater need for interventionist policies to get to that penultimate stage where the state can get out of the way). Health care impacts on too many other areas of human interest that fall outside of neoclassical, utility maximizing assumptions. It impacts identity, we here a lot about the basic dignity of human life with health care, we hear a lot less about this with labor or land markets and not at all with luxury car markets. We hear of personal security, we never act as economic maximizers in regards to physical security if it involves someone with a gun, we shouldn't expect to do so with regards to cancer either. Family plays a much larger role here than with most economic decisions, with the big expensive stuff the individual is not going to often be the best unit for analysis as it is for most economic transactions. I could go on quite a bit, but the general point I am making is obvious, there are too many aspects of human life impinging on this sector for normal economic assumptions to hold.
This leads to why the state has to play a larger role. In modern society, the state has assumed most of the roles that other social actors once played in responding to non-economic actions of the people making up the society. There just isn't any other entity that can respond to anxieties about the impact on the family (such as an elderly person using up what would otherwise have gone to their children on medical care, often because they are no longer able to make a decision themselves and family members authorize a spare no expense approach individually to signal the value of family and family solidarity to others), buyers remorse regarding care received (people regretting authorizing aggressive treatment rather than hospice is extremely common, when emotionally overwrought it's simply a human reaction to over-respond and to regret it later, the state can pick up on this but market interactions by their nature are limited to the time of interaction between contracting parties), etc. There is just too much evidence that the health care sector is not displaying the properties of modern markets to think that state withdrawal would make it function according to these assumptions better and too much input from aspects of human nature that do not conform to neoclassical assumptions for the frame of centralized vs. decentralized decision making to hold properly. Applying neoclassical assumptions to the health care sector is simply inappropriate giving the social institutions we are currently living with. At some point the state may be able to get out of the way, but that point is very, very far off yet. What the comparative evidence keeps saying is we're just not there yet.
I actually don't think there's much of a constituency for getting the government out of healthcare. Political writers and practitioners tend to be glib, careless and shallow but I think the "central planning" case on ACA is unusually rhetorical. Even the Clinton proposal had regional planning bodies.
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